1.75 VideoYoko Kanno - Cradle Song — Extended (1.75 Hours) Cinna sent heralds round the city to offer freedom to slaves who would desert to him, and forthwith a large number did desert. Carinas, Marcius, and Damasippus went with all the forces they had to the pass in order to force their way through it in conjunction with the Samnites. Packaging will be damaged. The Romans did not like it, sc freiburg eintracht frankfurt they had no more opportunities for elections according to law, and they considered that this matter was not altogether in their own power. Fulvius Flaccus in his consulship first and foremost openly excited among the Italians the desire for Roman citizenship, so as to be partners in the empire instead of subjects. He stopped his ploughing twice in order to shake them out of his shirt. Octavius was forthwith reduced to the rank of a private citizen and slunk away unobserved. Again did Gracchus, in the sight of 1.75 people, urgently importune Octavius in his present kartenfarben englisch danger not to prevent a work luxor tempel was most righteous and eröffnungsspiel to all Italy, and not to frustrate the wishes so earnestly entertained by the people, whose desires he ought rather to share in his character of tribune, and not to risk the 1.75 of his office by public condemnation. Sulla did not tolerate this insolence, 888 casino mobile site attacked Cluentius without waiting for his own foragers to come in. As this murder bore a pitiful and shocking aspect, the adherents of Glaucia came together early the next morning, before the people had assembled, and elected Apuleius tribune. Either team to win by exactly 1 www bet90 de 2. This does not seem online casinos that accept prepaid mastercard me to be inappropriate for one of his names was Faustus luckywhich name seems to have very nearly the same signification as Epaphroditus.
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This bottom of the tea kettle chipped and I did not realize I had been drinking metal that had been chipping from the bottom.
This kettle has all the features I was looking for, and I just love it. First, it works perfectly on my induction stove.
Third, the mechanism to open the spout is well away from the steam and very ergonomically designed. Fourth, there is a fill opening other than the spout.
Fifth, it is of ample size to fill my standard ceramic teapot. To top it all off, the kettle feels very balanced and " just right" in my hand.
For me, there are no negatives at all. However, if you are looking for a very cute tea kettle you will find this one kind of plain, I suppose.
If you are looking for a very large kettle, this one is medium- small. For the price, this kettle was way more sturdy than I was expecting.
I bought it to use with my first french press and it works just as a kettle should. As a bonus, it looks very stylish sitting on my stove so it's just going to stay there!
This pot is light weight. Finally found a good affordable tea pot. Smells of echinacea and chamomile wisp past my nostrils as I write this review.
For the amount of money spent on this product, I'd say this is a golden nugget I've found across the vast virtual plains of Amazon.
If you enjoy drinking tea or coffee, I highly recommend you purchase this product. We have had this kettle for less than five months and it already starting to rust!
The kettle is very light and poorly designed. Don't waste your money. The body part of this item was good as it describer, but the lid and top area attach lid was poor qualities.
The Lid get stain and brown oxidant around the lid ring in couple months used. I contact company for replace a new lid the second one get the same problems in a month later.
Disappoint with that bad quality, I don't want to contact again because of not satisfied at all with customer services. Any way cheap price product and not worth for spend time to call, took so long time to call a round to get in-touch, waiting so long with each number they past around to the right place answering.
I bought this kettle in early October and by early December I could see spots of rust forming in the bottom and a tiny leak had developed. It's only fair to say that I keep water in the kettle all the time and that it sits over a gas pilot light that keeps it warm all the time.
Seldom, however, do I bring it to a full rolling boil. The styling is beautiful. I really love the way it looks and the way it pours with no drip.
Unfortunately the metal is very thin and it scarcely qualifies for the label ""stainless". I realize it is quite inexpensive and maybe I should not expect too much, but had I known it would spring a leak in 60 days I would certainly purchased something else.
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They thought it not unlikely that they would form a faction in the Senate by themselves and contend against the old senators more powerfully than ever.
The knights, on the other hand, suspected that, by this doctoring, the courts of justice would be transferred from their order to the Senate exclusively.
Having acquired a relish for the great gains and power of the judicial office, this suspicion disturbed them. Above all the knights were angry at the revival of the charge of bribery, which they thought had been ere this entirely suppressed, so far as they were concerned.
Only the plebeians were gratified with the colonies. Even the Italians, in whose especial interest Drusus was devising these plans, were apprehensive about the law providing for the colonies, because they thought that the Roman public domain which was still undivided and which they were cultivating, some by force and others clandestinely would at once be taken away from them, and that in many cases they might even be disturbed in their private holdings.
Drusus learned of the plot against him and did not go out frequently, but transacted business from day to day in the atrium of his house, which was poorly lighted.
One evening as he was sending the crowd away he exclaimed suddenly that he was wounded, and fell down while uttering the words.
The knights, in order to make his policy a ground of vexatious accusation against their enemies, persuaded the tribune Quintus Varius to bring forward a law to prosecute those who should, either openly or secretly, aid the Italians to acquire citizenship, hoping thus to bring all the senators under an odious indictment, and themselves to sit in judgment on them, and that when they were out of the way they themselves would be more powerful than ever in the government of Rome.
When the other tribunes interposed their veto the knights surrounded them with drawn daggers and enacted the measure, whereupon accusers at once brought actions against the most illustrious of the senators.
Of these Bestia did not respond, but went into exile voluntarily rather than surrender himself into the hands of his enemies.
He, too, departed from the city before the vote of the judges was taken. Mummius, the conqueror of Greece, was basely ensnared by the knights, who promised to acquit him, but condemned him to banishment.
He passed the remainder of his life at Delos. When the Italians learned of the murder of Drusus and of the reasons alleged for banishing the others, they considered it no longer tolerable that those who were labouring for their political advancement should suffer such outrages, and as they saw no other means of acquiring citizenship they decided to revolt from the Romans altogether, and to make war against them with might and main.
The Romans were in ignorance of these facts for a long time, being busy with the trials and the seditions in the city. When they heard what was going on they sent men round to the towns, choosing those who were best acquainted with each, to collect information quietly.
One of these agents saw a young man who was being taken as a hostage from the town of Asculum to another town, and informed Servilius, the praetor, who was in those parts.
Servilius hastened to Asculum and indulged in very menacing language to the people, who were celebrating a festival, and they, supposing that the plot was discovered, put him to death.
They also killed Fonteius, his legate for so they call those of the senatorial order who accompany the governors of provinces as assistants.
After these were slain none of the other Romans in Asculum were spared. The inhabitants fell upon them, slaughtered them all, and plundered their goods.
The Senate answered sternly that if they repented of what they had done they could send ambassadors, otherwise not. The Italians, in despair of any other remedy, went on with their mobilization.
The Romans sent an equal force against them, made up of their own citizens and of the Italian peoples who were still in alliance with them.
When the war was found to be complex and many-sided, they sent their most renowned men as lieutenant-generals to aid the consuls: All these served under the consuls and the country was divided among them.
The consuls visited all parts of the field of operations, and the Romans sent them additional forces continually, realizing that it was a serious conflict.
The Italians had generals for their united forces besides those of the separate towns. They divided their army in equal parts, took their positions against the Roman generals, performed many notable exploits, and suffered many disasters.
The enemy, after a considerable time, reduced it by famine. Marius Egnatius captured Venafrum by treachery and slew two Roman cohorts there. Marcus Lamponius destroyed some of the forces under Licinius Crassus and drove the remainder into the town of Grumentum.
They did so, but their officers refusing the proposal were taken prisoners and starved to death by Papius. He also captured Stabiae, Facing Greek: The prisoners and the slaves from these places were taken into the military service.
With these Papius laid siege to Acerrae. Many of them deserted, as if to their own king, so that Caesar was obliged to send the rest back to Africa, as they were not trustworthy.
Canusia and Venusia and many other towns in Apulia sided with Vidacilius. Some that did not submit he besieged, and he put to death the principal Roman citizens in them, but the common people and the slaves he enrolled in his army.
Vettius Scaton pitched his camp opposite them, but nearer to the bridge of Marius, and placed an ambush by night in some ravines near the bridge of Rutilius, Early in the morning, after he had allowed Rutilius to cross the bridge, he started up from ambush and killed a large number of the enemy on the dry land and drove many into the river.
In this fight Rutilius himself was wounded in the head by a missile and died soon afterward. The body of Rutilius and those of many other patricians were brought to Rome for burial.
The corpses of the consul and his numerous comrades made a piteous spectacle and the mourning lasted many days.
The Senate decreed from this time on that those who were killed in war should be buried where they fell, lest others should be deterred by the spectacle from entering the army.
When the enemy heard of this they made a similar decree for themselves. The Senate appointed C. Caepio to command the forces of Rutilius in the field.
The opposing general, Q. He brought with him and gave as a pledge two slave babies, clad with the purple-bordered garments of free-born children, pretending that they were his own sons.
As further confirmation of his good faith he brought masses of lead plated with gold and silver. He urged Caepio to follow him in all haste with his army and capture the hostile army while destitute of a leader, and Caepio was deceived and followed him.
The latter sprang out of their concealment and cut Caepio and most of his force in pieces; so the Senate joined the rest of Caepio's army to that of Marius.
He retired, borne on a litter, as he was ill, to a certain stream where there was only one bridge and there he lost the greater part of his force and the arms of the survivors, only escaping to Teanum with difficulty, where he armed the remainder of his men as best he could.
Reinforcements were sent to him speedily and he marched to the relief of Acerrae, which was still besieged by Papius. They pursued the enemy vigorously as far as the walls enclosing their vineyards.
The Marsians scaled these walls with heavy loss, but Marius and Sulla did not deem it wise to follow them farther.
Cornelius Sulla was encamped on the other side of these enclosures, and when he knew what had happened he came out to meet the Marsians, as they tried to escape, and he also killed a great number.
More than Marsians were slain that day, and the arms of a still greater number were captured by the Romans. The Marsians were rendered as furious as wild beasts by this disaster.
They are a very warlike race, and it is said that no triumph was ever awarded for a victory over them except for this single disaster.
There had been up to this time a saying, "No triumph over Marsians or without Marsians. Vettius united their forces and defeated Gnaeus Pompeius, pursuing him to the city of Firmum.
Then they went their several ways, and Lafrenius besieged Pompeius, who had shut himself up in Firmum. The latter at once armed his remaining forces, but did not come to an engagement; when, however, he learned that another army was approaching, he sent Sulpicius round to take Lafrenius in the rear while he made a sally in front.
Battle was joined and both sides were in much distress, when Sulpicius set fire to the enemy's camp. When the latter saw this they fled to Asculum in disorder and without a general, for Lafrenius had fallen in the battle.
Pompeius then advanced and laid siege to Asculum. He sent word beforehand to the inhabitants that when they should see him advancing at a distance they should make a sally against the besiegers, so that the enemy should be attacked on both sides at once.
The inhabitants were afraid to do so; nevertheless Vidacilius forced his way into the city through the midst of the enemy with what followers he could get, and upbraided the citizens for their cowardice and disobedience.
Then he erected a funeral pile in the temple and placed a couch upon it, and held a feast with his friends, and while the drinking-bout was at its height he swallowed poison, threw himself on the pile, and ordered his friends to set fire to it.
Thus perished Vidacilius, a man who considered it glorious to die for his country, Sextus Caesar was invested with the consular power by the Senate after his term of office had expired.
He died of disease while pushing the long siege of Asculum; the Senate appointed Gaius Baebius his successor.
The Senate, fearing lest they should be surrounded by war, and unable to protect themselves, garrisoned the sea-coast from Cumae to the city with freedmen, who were then for the first time enrolled in the army on account of the scarcity of soldiers.
The Senate also voted that those Italians who had adhered to their alliance should be admitted to citizenship, which was the one thing they all desired most.
They sent this decree around among the Etruscans, who gladly accepted the citizenship. By this favour the Senate made the faithful more faithful, confirmed the wavering, and mollified their enemies by the hope of similar treatment.
So it often happened that their vote was useless, since a majority was obtained from the thirty-five tribes that voted first. This fact was either not noticed by the Italians at the time or they were satisfied with what they had gained, but it was observed later and became the source of a new conflict.
Gnaeus Pompeius, who was now consul, fell upon them and killed of them. The rest made their way homeward through a trackless region, in a severe winter; and half of them after subsisting on acorns perished.
While Sulla was encamped near the Pompaean hills Lucius Cluentius pitched his camp in a contemptuous manner at a distance of only three stades from him.
Sulla did not tolerate this insolence, but attacked Cluentius without waiting for his own foragers to come in. He was worsted and put to flight, but when he was reinforced by his foragers he turned and defeated Cluentius.
The latter then moved his camp to a greater distance. Cluentius' line of battle was thus broken and the remainder of his troops did not stand their ground, but fled in disorder to Nola.
Then Sulla moved against another tribe, the Hirpini, and attacked the town of Aeculanum. The inhabitants, who expected aid from the Lucanians that very day, asked Sulla to give them time for consideration.
He understood the trick and gave them one hour, and meanwhile piled fagots around their walls, which were made of wood, and at the expiration of the hour set them on fire.
They were terrified and surrendered the town. Sulla plundered it because it had not been delivered up voluntarily but under necessity. He spared the other towns that gave themselves up, and in this way the entire population of the Hirpini was brought under subjection.
Then Sulla moved against the Samnites, not where Mutilus, the Samnite general, guarded the roads, but by another circuitous route where his coming was not expected.
He fell upon them suddenly, killed many, and scattered the rest in disorderly flight. Sulla destroyed his camp and moved against Bovanum, where the common council of the rebels was held.
The city had three citadels. When the smoke was seen he made an attack in front and, after a severe fight of three hours, took the city.
When winter came he returned to Rome to stand for the consulship, but Gnaeus Pompeius brought the Marsians, the Marrucini, and the Vestini under subjection.
Gaius Cosconius, another Roman par, advanced against Salapia and burned it. He received the surrender of Cannae and laid siege to Canusium; then he had a severe fight with the Samnites, who came to its relief, and after great slaughter on both sides Cosconius was beaten and retreated to Cannae.
Cosconius withdrew, and while Trebatius was crossing attacked him and got the better of him, and, while he was escaping toward the stream, killed 15, of his men.
The remainder took refuge with Trebatius in Canusium. Cosconius overran the territory of Larinum, Venusia, and Asculum, and invaded that of the Poediculi, and within two days received their surrender.
Popaedius, one of the rebel generals, here lost his life, and the survivors joined Metellus in detachments. Each body of allies was enrolled in tribes of its own, like those who had been admitted to citizenship before, so that they might not, by being mingled with the old citizens, vote them down in the elections by force of numbers.
It seems that the ancient Romans, like the Greeks, abhorred the taking of interest on loans as something knavish, and hard on the poor, and leading to contention and enmity; and by the same kind of reasoning the Persians considered lending as having itself a tendency to deceit and lying.
But, since time had sanctioned the practice of taking interest, the creditors demanded it according to custom. The debtors, on the other hand, put off their payments on the plea of war and civil commotion.
Some indeed threatened to exact the legal penalty from the interest-takers. The praetor Asellio, who had charge of these matters, as he was not able to compose their differences by persuasion, allowed them to proceed against each other in the courts, thus bringing the deadlock due to the conflict of law and custom before the judges.
He was offering sacrifice to Castor and Pollux in the forum, with a crowd standing around as was usual at such a ceremony.
In the first place somebody threw a stone at him, on which he dropped the libation-bowl and ran toward the temple of Vesta. They then got ahead of him and prevented him from reaching the temple, and after he had fled into a tavern they cut his throat.
Many of his pursuers, thinking that he had taken refuge with the Vestal virgins, ran in there, where it was not lawful for men to go.
Thus was Asellio, while serving as praetor, and pouring out libation, and wearing the sacred gilded vestments customary in such ceremonies, slain at the second hour of the day in the centre of the forum, in the midst of the sacrifice.
The Senate offered a reward of money to any free citizen, freedom to any slave, impunity to any accomplice, who should give testimony leading to the conviction of the murders of Asellio, but nobody gave any information.
The money-lenders covered up everything. Afterward the chiefs of factions assailed each other with great armies, according to the usage of war, and their country lay as a prize between them.
The beginning and origin of these contentions came about directly after the Social War, in this wise. Marius, for his part, thought that this would be an easy and lucrative war and desiring the command of it prevailed upon the tribune, Publius Sulpicius, by many promises, to help him to obtain it.
He also encouraged the new Italian citizens, who had very little power in the elections, to hope that they should be distributed among all the tribes — not in any way openly suggesting his own advantage, but with the expectation of employing them as loyal servants for all his ends.
Sulpicius straightway brought forward a law for this purpose. If it were enacted Marius and Sulpicius would have everything they wanted, because the new citizens far outnumbered the old ones.
The old citizens saw this and opposed the new ones with all their might. They fought each other with sticks and stones, and the evil increased continually, till the consuls, becoming apprehensive, as the day for voting on the law drew near, proclaimed a vacation 23 of several days, such as was customary on festal occasions, in order to postpone the voting and the danger.
Finally Pompeius escaped secretly and Sulla withdrew on the pretext of taking advice. Presently Sulla came on the scene and, having annulled the vacation, hurried away to Capua, where his army was stationed, as if to cross over to Asia to take command of the war against Mithridates, for he knew nothing as yet of the designs against himself.
As the vacation was annulled and Sulla had left the city, Sulpicius enacted his law, and Marius, for whose sake it was done, was forthwith chosen commander of the war against Mithridates in place of Sulla.
They were eager for the war against Mithridates because it promised much plunder, and they feared that Marius would enlist other soldiers instead of themselves.
Sulla spoke of the indignity put upon him by Sulpicius and Marius, and while he did not openly allude to anything else for he did not dare as yet to mention this sort of war , he urged them to be ready to obey his orders.
They understood what he meant, and as they feared lest they should miss the campaign they uttered boldly what Sulla had in mind, and told him to be of good courage, and to lead them to Rome.
Envoys met him on the road and asked him why he was marching with armed forces against his country. He gave the same answer to a second and third embassy that came to him, one after another, but he announced to them finally that the Senate and Marius and Sulpicius might meet him in the Campus Martius if they liked, and that he would do whatever might be agreed upon after consultation.
As he was approaching, his colleague, Pompeius, came to meet and congratulate him, and to offer his whole-hearted hope, for he was delighted with the steps he was taking.
As Marius and Sulpicius needed some short interval for preparation, they sent other messengers, also in the guise of envoys from the Senate, directing him not to move his camp nearer than forty stades from the city until they could review the state of affairs.
Sulla and Pompeius understood their motive perfectly and promised to comply, but as soon as the envoys withdrew they followed them.
With the remainder Sulla entered the city, in appearance and in fact an enemy. Those in the neighbouring houses tried to keep him off by hurling missiles from the roofs until he threatened to burn the houses; then they desisted.
To such extremity of evil had the recklessness of party strife progressed among them. Sulla's forces were beginning to waver when Sulla seized a standard and exposed himself to danger in the foremost ranks, so that from regard for their general and fear of ignominy, should they abandon their standard, they might rally at once.
Then he ordered up the fresh troops from his camp and sent others around by the Suburran road to take the enemy in the rear. The Marians fought feebly against these new-comers, and as they feared lest they should be surrounded they called to their aid the other citizens who were still fighting from the houses, and proclaimed freedom to slaves who would share their dangers.
As nobody came forward they fell into utter despair and fled at once out of the city, together with those of the nobility who had co-operated with them.
He stationed guards at intervals throughout the city, he and Pompeius keeping watch by night. Each kept moving about his own command to see that no calamity was brought about either by the frightened people or by the victorious troops.
They proposed that no question should ever again be brought before the people which had not been previously considered by the Senate, an ancient practice which had been abandoned long ago; also that the voting should not be by tribes, but by centuries, as King Servius Tullius had ordained.
They proposed many other measures for curtailing the power of the tribunes, which had become extremely tyrannical, and enrolled of the best citizens at once in the list of the senators, who had been reduced at that time to a very small number and had fallen into contempt for that reason.
They also annulled all the acts performed by Sulpicius after the vacation had been proclaimed by the consuls, as being illegal. From this time the seditions were decided only by the arbitrament of arms.
There were frequent attacks upon the city and battles before the walls and other calamities incident to war. Henceforth there was no restraint upon violence either from the sense of shame, or regard for law, institutions, or country.
While he was resting in a darkened house the magistrates of the city, whose fears were excited by the proclamation of the Roman people, but who hesitated to be the murderers of a man who had been six times consul and had performed so many brilliant exploits, sent a Gaul who was living there to kill him with a sword.
The Gaul, it is said, was approaching the pallet of Marius in the dusk when he thought he saw the gleam and flash of fire darting from his eyes, and Marius rose from his bed and shouted to him in a thundering voice, "Do you dare to kill Gaius Marius?
As he knew that Sulla was searching for him and that horsemen were pursuing him, he moved toward the sea by unfrequented roads and came to a hut where he rested, covering himself up with leaves.
Hearing a slight noise, he concealed himself more carefully with the leaves, but becoming more sure he rushed to the boat of an old fisherman, which was on the beach, overpowered him, leaped into it, and, although a storm was raging, cut the painter, spread the sail, and committed himself to chance.
He was driven to an island where he found a ship navigated by his own friends, and sailed thence to Africa. He was prohibited from landing even there by the governor, Sextilius, because he was a public enemy, and he passed the winter in his ship a little beyond the province of Africa, in Numidia.
While he was sailing thither he was joined by Cethegus, Granius, Albinovanus, Laetorius, and others, and his son Marius, who had gained tidings of his approach.
They had fled from Rome to Hiempsal prince of Numidia, and now they had run away from him, fearing lest they should be delivered up.
He sent his army forward to Capua and resumed consular authority. The supporters of the banished faction, especially the rich, and many wealthy women, who now found a respite from the terror of arms, bestirred themselves for the return of the exiles.
They spared neither pains nor expense to this end, even conspiring against the persons of the consuls, since they thought they could not secure the recall of their friends while the consuls survived.
For Sulla the army, which had been voted for the Mithridatic war, furnished ample protection even after he should cease to be consul; but the people commiserated the perilous position of the other consul, Quintus Pompeius, and gave him the command of Italy and of the army appertaining to it, which was then under Gnaeus Pompeius.
When the latter learned this he was greatly displeased, but received Quintus in the camp, and, when next day Quintus began to take over his duties, he gave way to him for a time as if relieved of his command; but a little later a crowd that had collected around the consul under pretence of listening to him killed him.
After the guilty ones had fled, Gnaeus came to the camp in a high state of indignation over the illegal killing of a consul, but despite his displeasure he forthwith resumed his command over them.
He did not, however, remain long in the city, but went to the army at Capua and from thence to Asia, and the friends of the exiles, encouraged by Cinna, Sulla's successor in the consulship, excited the new citizens in favour of the scheme of Marius, that they should be distributed among all the old tribes, so that they should not be powerless by reason of voting last.
This was preliminary to the recall of Marius and his friends. The other consul, Octavius, sided with the old citizens.
The partisans of Cinna took possession of the forum with concealed daggers, and with loud cries demanded that they should be distributed among all the tribes.
The more reputable part of the plebeians adhered to Octavius, and they also carried daggers. While Octavius was still at home awaiting the result, the news was brought to him that the majority of the tribunes had vetoed the proposed action, but that the new citizens had started a riot, drawn their daggers on the street, and assaulted the opposing tribunes on the rostra.
He struck terror into them, went on to the temple of Castor and Pollux, and drove Cinna away; while his companions fell upon the new citizens without orders, killed many of them, put the rest to flight, and pursued them to the city gates.
As none responded he hastened to the towns near by, which had lately been admitted to Roman citizenship, Tibur, Praeneste, and the rest as far as Nola, inciting them all to revolution and collecting money for the purposes of war.
While Cinna was making these preparations and plan certain senators of his party joined him, among them Gaius Milo, Quintus Sertorius, and Gaius Marius the younger.
The Senate decreed that since Cinna had left the city in danger while holding the office of consul, and had offered freedom to the slaves, he should no longer be consul, or even a citizen, and elected in his stead Lucius Merula, the priest of Jupiter.
It is said that this priest alone wore the flamen's cap 25 at all times, the others wearing it only during sacrifices.
Cinna proceeded to Capua, where there was another Roman army, whose officers together with the senators who were present, he tried to win over.
The people voted it to me; the Senate has taken it away from me without your consent. What need is there that we should solicit the favour of the tribes in the elections hereafter?
What need have we of you? Where will after this be your power in the assemblies, in the elections, in the choice of consuls, if you fail to confirm what you bestow, and whenever you give your decision fail to secure it.
Entirely overcome they raised him up; they restored him to the curule chair; they lifted up the fasces and bade him be of good cheer, as he was consul still, and lead them wherever he would.
The tribunes, striking while the iron was hot, themselves took the military oath to support Cinna, and administered it each to the soldiers under him.
Now that this was all secure, Cinna traversed the allied cities and stirred them up also, alleging that it was on their account chiefly that this misfortune had happened to him.
They furnished him both money and soldiers; and many others, even of the aristocratic party in Rome, to whom the stability of the government was irksome, came and joined him.
While Cinna was thus occupied, the consuls, Octavius and Merula, fortified the city with trenches, repaired the walls, and planted engines on them.
Cinna advanced against him and encamped near him. Still squalid and long-haired, he marched through the towns presenting a pitiable appearance, descanting on his battles, his victories over the Cimbri, and his six consulships; and what was extremely pleasing to them, promising, with all appearance of genuineness, to be faithful to their interests in the matter of the vote.
After joining forces they encamped on the banks of the Tiber and divided their army into three parts: Cinna and Carbo opposite the city, Sertorius above it, and Marius toward the sea.
The two latter threw bridges across the river in order to cut off the city's food-supply. Marius captured and plundered Ostia, while Cinna sent a force and captured Ariminum in order to prevent an army coming to the city from the subject Gauls.
They needed more troops, but they were unable to summon Sulla because he had already crossed over to Asia. But Metellus would not agree to the Samnites' demands, and when Marius heard of this he made an engagement with them to grant all that they asked from Metellus.
In this way the Samnites also became allies of Marius. Appius Claudius, a military tribune, who had command of the defences of Rome at the Janiculum hill, had once received a favour from Marius of which the latter now reminded him, in consequence of which he admitted him into the city, opening a gate for him at about daybreak.
Then Marius admitted Cinna. They were at once thrust out by Octavius and Pompeius, who attacked them together, but a severe thunder-storm broke upon the camp of Pompeius, and he was killed by lightning together with others of the nobility.
He fell upon their garrisons unexpectedly and captured Antium, Aricia, Lanuvium, and others. There were some also that were delivered up to him by treachery.
Having in this manner obtained command of their supplies by land, he advanced boldly against Rome, by the Appian Way, before any other supplies were brought to them by another route.
Although they considered themselves superior in bravery and numbers, they hesitated to risk, through haste, their country's fate on the hazard of a single battle.
Cinna sent heralds round the city to offer freedom to slaves who would desert to him, and forthwith a large number did desert.
He asked them whether they came to him as a consul or as a private citizen. They were at a loss for an answer and went back to the city; and now a large number of citizens flocked to Cinna, some from fear of famine, and others because they had been previously favourable to his party and had been waiting to see which way the scales would turn.
Octavius and his party were undecided and fearful, and hesitated to attack him on account of the desertions and the negotiations.
The Senate was greatly perplexed and considered it a dreadful thing to depose Lucius Merula, the priest of Jupiter, who had been chosen consul in place of Cinna, and who had done nothing wrong in his office.
Yet on account of the impending danger it reluctantly sent envoys to Cinna again, and this time as consul. They no longer expected favourable terms, so they only asked that Cinna should swear to them that he would abstain from bloodshed.
He directed, however, that Octavius, who had gone round and entered the city by another gate, should keep away from the forum lest anything should befall him against his own will.
This answer he delivered to the envoys from a high platform in his character as consul. Marius stood in silence beside the curule chair, but showed by the asperity of his countenance the slaughter he contemplated.
When the Senate had accepted these terms and had invited Cinna and Marius to enter for it was understood that, while it was Cinna's name which appeared, the moving spirit was Marius , the latter said with a scornful smile that it was not lawful for men banished to enter.
Forthwith the tribunes voted to repeal the decree of banishment against him and all the others who were expelled under the consulship of Sulla.
Straightway they began to plunder without hindrance all the goods of those who were supposed to be of the opposite party. Cinna and Marius had sworn to Octavius, and the augurs and soothsayers had predicted, that he would suffer no harm, yet his friends advised him to fly.
He replied that he would never desert the city while he was consul. So he withdrew from the forum to the Janiculum with the nobility and what was left of his army, where he occupied the curule chair and wore the robes of office, attended as consul by lictors.
Censorinus cut off his head and carried it to Cinna, and it was suspended in the forum in front of the rostra, the first head of a consul that was so exposed.
After him the heads of others who were slain were suspended there; and this shocking custom, which began with Octavius, was not discontinued, but was handed down to subsequent massacres.
Now the victors sent out spies to search for their enemies of the senatorial and equestrian orders.
When any knights were killed no further attention was paid to them, but all the heads of senators were exposed in front of the rostra.
Neither reverence for the gods, nor the indignation of men, nor the fear of odium for their acts existed any longer among them. After committing savage deeds they turned to godless sights.
They killed remorselessly and severed the necks of men already dead, and they paraded these horrors before the public eye, either to inspire fear and terror, or for a godless spectacle.
Crassus was pursued with his son. He anticipated the pursuers by killing his son, but was himself killed by them.
Marcus Antonius, the orator, fled to a country place, where he was concealed and entertained by a farmer, who sent his slave to a tavern for wine of a better quality than he was in the habit of buying.
The innkeeper ran and told Marius, who sprang up with joy as though he would rush to do the deed himself, but was restrained by his friends.
In this way he was saved by his slaves. As for Quintus Ancharius, he watched his opportunity till Marius was about to offer sacrifice in the Capitol, hoping that the temple would be a propitious place for reconciliation.
But when he approached and saluted Marius, the latter, who was just beginning the sacrifice, ordered the guards to kill him in the Capitol forthwith; and his head, with that of the orator Antonius, and those of others who had been consuls and praetors, was exposed in the forum.
Burial was not permitted to any of the slain, but the bodies of men like these were torn in pieces by birds and dogs. There was, too, much private and irresponsible murder committed by the factions upon each other.
All Sulla's friends were put to death, his house was razed to the ground, his property confiscated, and himself voted a public enemy.
Search was made for his wife and children, but they escaped. Altogether nothing was wanted to complete these wide-spread miseries.
Accusation was also brought against Lutatius Catulus, who had been the colleague of Marius in the war against the Cimbri, and whose life Marius had once saved.
It was alleged that he had been very ungrateful to Marius and had been very bitter against him when he was banished.
These men were put under secret surveillance, and when the day for holding court arrived were summoned to trial the proper way was to put the accused under arrest after they had been cited four times at certain fixed intervals , but Merula had opened his veins, and a tablet lying at his side showed that when he cut his veins he had removed his flamen's cap, for it was accounted a sin for the priest to wear it at his death.
Catulus of free will suffocated himself with burning charcoal in a chamber newly plastered and still moist. So these two men perished. After Cinna had forbidden this several times, but without avail, he surrounded them with his Gallic soldiery one night while they were taking their rest, and killed them all.
Thus did the slaves receive fit punishment for their repeated treachery to their masters. But he died in the first month of his consulship, while forming all sorts of terrible designs against Sulla.
Cinna caused Valerius Flaccus to be chosen in his place and sent him to Asia, and when Flaccus lost his life he chose Carbo as his fellow-consul.
He returned with a large and well-disciplined army, devoted to him and elated by its exploits. Carbo and Cinna were in such fear of him that they despatched emissaries to all parts of Italy to collect money, soldiers, and supplies.
They took the leading citizens into friendly intercourse and appealed especially to the newly created citizens of the towns, pretending that it was on their account that they were threatened with the present danger.
They began at once to repair the ships, recalled those that were in Sicily, guarded to coast, and with fear and haste they, for their part, made preparations of every kind.
Most of all he dwelt upon his recent victories in the Mithridatic war, enumerating to them the many nations which had been under Mithridates and which he had recovered for the Romans.
Of nothing did he make more account than that those who had been banished from Rome by Cinna had fled to him, and that he had received them in their helplessness and supported them in their affliction.
In return for this, he said, he had been declared a public enemy by his foes, his house had been destroyed, his friends put to death, and his wife and children had with difficulty made their escape to him.
He would be there presently to take vengeance, on behalf of themselves and of the entire city, upon the guilty ones. He assured the other citizens, and the new citizens, that he would make no complain against them.
They ordered Cinna and Carbo to cease recruiting soldiers until Sulla's answer should be received. They promised to do so, but as soon as the messengers had gone they proclaimed themselves consuls for the ensuing year so that they need not come back to the city earlier to hold the election.
They traversed Italy, collecting soldiers whom they carried across by detachments on shipboard to Liburnia, 26 which was to act as their base against Sulla.
The next encountered a storm, and those who reached land again escaped home immediately, as they did not relish the prospect of fighting their fellow-citizens.
When the rest learned this they too refused to cross to Liburnia. Cinna was indignant and called them to an assembly in order to terrify them, and they assembled, angry also and ready to defend themselves.
One of the lictors, who was clearing the road for Cinna, struck somebody who was in the way and one of the soldiers struck the lictor.
Cinna ordered the arrest of the offender, whereupon a clamour rose on all sides, stones were thrown at him, and those who were near him drew their dirks and stabbed him.
So Cinna also perished during his consulship. However, when they threatened to reduce him to the rank of a private citizen he came back and ordered the holding of the consular election, but as the omens were unfavourable he postponed it to another day.
On that day lightning struck the temples of Luna and of Ceres ; so the augurs prorogued the comitia beyond the summer solstice, and Carbo remained sole consul.
As for security he said that he, with a devoted army, could better furnish lasting security to them, and to those who had fled to his camp, than they to him; whereby it was made plain in a single sentence that he would not disband his army, but was now contemplating supreme power.
He demanded of them his former dignity, his property, and the priesthood, and that they should restore to him in full measure whatever other honours he had previously held.
He sent some of his own men with the Senate's messengers to confer about these matters, but they, learning at Brundusium that Cinna was dead and that Rome was in an unsettled state, went back to Sulla without transacting their business.
Then he put his army in motion and went forward. He had been awaiting in Libya the turn of events, and now offered himself as a volunteer ally with the force under his command, as he was still a proconsul; for those who have been chosen to this office may retain it till they come back to Rome.
After Metellus came Gnaeus Pompeius, who not long afterward was surnamed the Great, son of the Pompeius who was killed by lightning and who was supposed to be unfriendly to Sulla.
The son removed this suspicion by coming with a legion which he had collected from the territory of Picenum owing to the reputation of his father, who had been very influential there.
So Sulla held him in honour, though still very young; and they say he never rose at the entrance of any other than this youth.
When the war was nearly finished Sulla sent him to Africa to drive out the party of Carbo and to restore Hiempsal who had been expelled by the Numidians to his kingdom.
For this service Sulla allowed him a triumph over the Numidians, although he was under age, and was still in the equestrian order. From this beginning Pompeius achieved greatness, being sent against Sertorius in Spain and later against Mithridates in Pontus.
Cethegus also joined Sulla, although with Cinna and Marius he had been violently hostile to him and had been driven out of the city with them.
He and Metellus marched in advance, being both proconsuls, for it seems that Sulla, who had been appointed proconsul against Mithridates, had at no time hitherto laid down his command, although he had been voted a public enemy at the instance of Cinna.
Now Sulla moved against his enemies with a most intense yet concealed hatred. The people in the city, who formed a pretty fair judgment of the character of the man, and who remembered his former attack and capture of the city, and who took into account the decrees they had proclaimed against him, and who had witnessed the destruction of his house, the confiscation of his property, the killing of his friends, and the narrow escape of his family, were in a state of terror.
Conceiving that there was no middle ground between victory and utter destruction, they united with the consuls to resist Sulla, but with trepidation.
They despatched messengers throughout Italy to collect soldiers, provisions, and money, and, as in cases of extreme peril, they omitted nothing that zeal and earnestness could suggest.
For the sympathies of the people were much in favour of the consuls, because the action of Sulla, who was marching against his country, seemed to be that of an enemy, while that of the consuls, even if they were working for themselves, was ostensibly the cause of the republic.
Many persons, too, who knew that they had shared the guilt, and who believed that they could not despise the fears, of the consuls, co-operated with them.
They knew very well that Sulla was not meditating merely punishment, correction, and alarm for them, but destruction, death, confiscation, and wholesale extermination.
In this they were not mistaken, for the war ruined everyone. Fifty thousand on both sides lost their lives round the city, and to the survivors Sulla was unsparing in severity, both to individuals and to communities, until, finally, he made himself the undisputed master of the whole Roman government, so far as he wished or cared to be.
Mysterious terrors came upon many, both in public and in private, throughout all Italy. Ancient, awe-inspiring oracles were remembered.
Many monstrous things happened. There was a severe earthquake divinely sent and some of the temples in Rome were thrown down the Romans being in any case very seriously disposed towards such things.
All things seemed to point to the multitude of coming slaughters, to the conquest of Italy and of the Romans themselves, to the capture of the city, and to constitutional change.
Considering the magnitude of the operations, 27 its length was not great, compared with wars of this size in general, since the combatants rushed upon each other with the fury of private enemies.
For this special reason greater and more distressing calamities than usual befell those who took part in it in a short space of time, because they rushed to meet their troubles.
Nevertheless the war lasted three years in Italy alone, until Sulla had secured the supreme power, but in Spain it continued even after Sulla's death.
Battles, skirmishes, sieges, and fighting of all kinds were numerous throughout Italy, and the generals had both regular battles and partial engagements, and all were noteworthy.
X First of all Sulla and Metellus fought a battle against Norbanus at Canusium and killed of his men, while Sulla's loss was seventy, but many of his men were wounded.
Norbanus retreated to Capua. The Sullan faction knew this and sent envoys to Scipio to negotiate, not because they hoped or desired to come to an agreement, but because they expected to create dissensions in Scipio's army, which was in a state of dejection.
In this they succeeded. Scipio took hostages for the conference and marched down to the plain. Only three from each side conferred, so that what passed between them is not known.
It seems, however, that during the armistice Scipio sent Sertorius to his colleague, Norbanus, to communicate with him concerning the negotiation, and there was a cessation of hostilities while they were waiting for the answers.
Sertorius on his way took possession of Suessa, which had espoused the side of Sulla, and Sulla made complaint of this to Scipio.
The latter, either because he was privy to the affair or because he did not know what answer to make concerning the strange act of Sertorius, sent back Sulla's hostages.
His army blamed the consuls for the unjustifiable seizure of Suessa during the armistice and for the surrender of the hostages, who were not demanded back, and made a secret agreement with Sulla to go over to him if he would draw nearer.
Scipio's ignorance of a conspiracy of this kind, embracing his whole army, seems to me inexcusable in a general. As nobody came forward and no away was returned for it seems that Norbanus feared lest he should be accused by his army in the same way that Scipio had been , Sulla again advanced, devastating all hostile territory, while Norbanus did the same thing on other roads.
Carbo hastened to the city and caused Metellus, and all the other senators who had joined Sulla, to be decreed public enemies.
It was at this time that the Capitol was burned. Sertorius, who had been some time previously chosen praetor for Spain, after the taking of Suessa fled to his province, and as the former praetor refused to recognize his authority, he stirred up a great deal of trouble for the Romans there.
In the meantime the forces of the consuls were constantly increasing from the major part of Italy, which still adhered to them, and also from the neighbouring Gauls on the Po.
Nor was Sulla idle. He sent messengers to all parts of Italy that he could reach, to collect troops by friendship, by fear, by money, and by promises.
In this way the remainder of the summer was consumed on both sides. At first the winter and severe frost kept the combatants apart.
Carinas was put to flight after heavy loss, whereupon all the country thereabout seceded from the consuls to Metellus. Carbo came up with Metellus and besieged him until he heard that Marius, the other consul, had been defeated in a great battle near Praeneste, when he led his forces back to Ariminum, with Pompey hung on his rear doing damage.
The defeat at Praeneste was in this wise. Sulla having captured the town of Setia , Marius, who was encamped near by, drew a little farther away.
But when he arrived at the Sacred Lake he gave battle and fought bravely. When his left wing began to give way five cohorts of foot and two of horse decided not to wait for open defeat, but threw away their standards in a body and went over to Sulla.
This was the beginning of a terrible disaster to Marius. His shattered army fled to Praeneste with Sulla in hot pursuit. The Praenestines gave shelter to those who arrived first, but when Sulla pressed upon them the gates were closed, and Marius was hauled up by ropes.
There was another great slaughter round the walls by reason of the closing of the gates. Sulla captured a large number of prisoners, and killed all the Samnites among them, because they had all along been ill-affected toward the Romans.
Pompey overcame Marcius near Senae and plundered the town. Sulla, having shut Marius up in Praeneste, drew a line of circumvallation round the town a considerable distance from it and left the work in charge of Lucretius Ofella, as he intended to reduce Marius by famine, not by fighting.